Publications are essential
for a successful academic career, and there is evidence that the COVID-19 pandemic has
amplified existing gender disparities in the publishing process. We used longitudinal
publication data on 431,207 authors in four disciplines - basic medicine, biology,
chemistry and clinical medicine - to quantify the differential impact of COVID-19 on the
annual publishing rates of men and women. In a difference-in-differences analysis, we
estimated that the average gender difference in publication productivity increased from
–0.26 in 2019 to –0.35 in 2020; this corresponds to the output of women being 17% lower
than the output of men in 2109, and 24% lower in 2020. An age-group comparison showed a
widening gender gap for both early-career and mid-career scientists. The increasing
gender gap was most pronounced among highly productive authors and in biology and
clinical medicine. Our study demonstrates the importance of reinforcing institutional
commitments to diversity through policies that support the inclusion and retention of
women in research.
Research on gender and
publication productivity suggests that women (on average) publish fewer articles than men
31Mairesse and
Pezzoni2015, although the magnitude of this
difference varies by career stage, discipline and country, and has diminished over time
24Huang et
al.202043Sax et
al.200252Xie and
Schauman2005. The gender imbalance in
publishing rates should be understood in the context of broader disparities in the science
system. Structural variables such as employment rank, access to resources, university
prestige, appointment type, teaching loads 15Eagly202046Taylor et
al.2006 and available time for research
19Guarino
and Borden201729Leišytė2016
all partially explain the observed gender imbalances in publication productivity 1Allison
and Long19904Bland et
al.200651Xie and
Shauman1998. In addition, research finds
that women scientists (compared to men) tend to span more topics in their research
activities, face stricter editorial standards in peer reviewing 22Hengel2017, and take
on greater shares of parenthood responsibilities 10Derrick et
al.2021, which also likely perpetuate publishing
disparities.
Recent research has identified
two primary mechanisms through which the pandemic may have amplified existing disparities
in publishing 27King and
Frederickson2021. First, evidence from national and
international surveys indicates that women scientists have taken the lion’s share of the
extra childcare and domestic responsibilities imposed by lockdowns of schools and daycares
11Deryugina et
al.202145Staniscuaski et
al.202153Yildirim
and Eslen-Ziya2020. According to surveys of
self-reported research activities, women scientists – especially those with young
dependents – have seen notable productivity decreases in the wake of the pandemic 11Deryugina et
al.202136Myers et
al.202045Staniscuaski et
al.2021. Second, transitions to online
teaching during university lockdowns required extra hours of planning and preparation and
may have affected women scientists more than men due to observed disparities in average
teaching loads 3Barber et
al.202115Eagly202027King and
Frederickson202146Taylor
et al.2006. Survey-based evidence from the
United States also indicates that the extra time spent on teaching partially accounts for
observed decreases in scientists’ self-reported publication rates 3Barber et
al.2021. In clinical medicine, service demands
related to care for COVID-19 patients and transitions to virtual care delivery for many
others may also have disproportionately affected women, who are more likely to be
represented on clinician-educator rather than traditional tenure tracks at medical schools
32Mayer et al.2014.
This study is, to our
knowledge, the first to quantify the differential impact of COVID-19 on the annual
publishing rates of women and men. We used a linked dataset of 431,207 authors and
2,113,108 publications and a difference-in-differences specification to estimate how the
gender difference in average publishing rates changed from 2019–2020.
We rely on author-disambiguated
publication data from Clarivate’s Web of Science, restricting our focus to scientists with
>2 publications within basic medicine, biology, chemistry and clinical medicine. We
chose these fields as they are well-represented in Web of Science (more than 90% of
references are included in Web of Science), their primary knowledge production mode is
through journal publication (unlike, for example, computer science, many fields of
engineering, and the humanities), research is comparatively collaborative (although some
areas of clinical research have somewhat more authors), publishing is relatively fast
(compared to, for example, the social sciences). Basic medicine, biology and clinical
medicine also have some of the highest shares of women scientists in the natural sciences.
We report annual, per-author
publishing rates based on a full and fractional counting. The full counting gives the raw
sum of all papers published by a scientist in a given year. The fractional counting gives
the sum of the reciprocal of the number of authors per paper published by a scientist.
Results
The following results use a
main sample consisting of two scientist cohorts, one with first publication year in 2009
or 2010 ("mid-career", n = 137,767) and one with first publication year in 2016
or 2017 ("early-career", n = 293,440). Unless mentioned otherwise, the combined
cohort (n = 431,207) is used. A third, counterfactual cohort (n = 276,793) is used to
contrast the early-career sample, as a means of estimating the expected attrition in the
early-career stage, when a proportion of scientists leave academia. Each analysis
referring to a "treatment", indicated in figures as a dotted line between 2019
and 2020, refers to the changes in working environments in 2020 due to the COVID-19
pandemic.
Descriptive results
Our analysis suggests that
gender disparities in annual publication outputs have widened during COVID-19. A
descriptive comparison of changes in publishing rates in 2020 compared to 2019 (Figure 1)
indicates a 15% decrease in women’s average full- and fractional-count publication output
and a 6%–7% decrease in men’s average full- and fractional-count publication output.
Difference-in-differences estimates
Figure 2 displays the dynamic effects of the
COVID-19 pandemic and summarizes the main result of the difference-in-differences
estimation. As shown in panel A, the gender difference in annual publishing rates remained
relatively stable between 2017 and 2019 (implying parallel trends prior to COVID-19),
while increasing in 2020. From 2019 to 2020, the average-marginal gender difference
increased from –0.260 (corresponding to a 17% lower output for women than for men) to
–0.354 (corresponding to a 24% lower output for women than for men) in full-count output.
Figure 2—figure
supplement 1 presents results from a complementary analysis with fractional-count
publication output as outcome and shows a change in the average-marginal gender difference
from –0.048 (corresponding to a 22% lower output for women than for men) to 0.059
(corresponding to a 27% lower output for women than for men).
To verify that the change in
the gender productivity gap was in fact due to COVID-19 and did not represent a more
generic dip in women’s productivity (compared to men’s) during the fifth year of their
publication career, we ran a counterfactual analysis for a sample of researchers, who
published their first paper in 2011. For this sample, we observed a small but consistent
annual increase in the marginal gender difference across years (from 2011–2015). In this
case, the gender difference in productivity increased by 1/20 of a full publication (full
count: –0.05, 99% CI: –0.0665; –0.0337) between year four (2014) and five (2015),
amounting to 53% of the treatment effect observed in Figure 2.
Career-stage differences
Research suggests that the
working conditions of early-career women scientists have been especially affected by the
pandemic 2Andersen et
al.202028Krukowski et
al.2021. We examined this question by
conducting sub-group analyses by career-age. As shown in Figure 3 the widening gender gap was salient
for early-career scientists with four years of publication experience as well as for
mid-career scientists with ten years of publication experience. From 2019 to 2020, the
average marginal publication disadvantage for early-career women increased from –0.133
(corresponding to an 11% lower output for women than for men) to –0.20 (corresponding to
an 18% lower output for women than for men) in full-count output. In comparison, the
average marginal publication disadvantage for mid-career women changed from –0.452
(corresponding to a 21% lower output for women than for men) to –0.592 (corresponding to a
27% lower output for women than for men). This is a relative increase in the gender gap of
61% for early-career scientists and 29% for mid-career scientists. We obtained comparable
results in an age-differentiated analysis with fractional-count publications as outcome
(Figure 3—figure
supplement 1).
Productivity-dependant differences
As indicated in Figure 4 panel A, the effect of
the pandemic on women’s and men’s publishing rates also varied considerably across
different strata of the publication-productivity distribution. Indeed, a considerable
share of the average marginal gender difference appeared to be attributable to differences
occurring among the top-10% most prolific men and women authors. In contrast, changes in
the average gender gap were marginal for authors below the 80th percentile of the
publication distribution. This can clearly be seen in panel B, where the trends for men
per quantile in 2019–2020 (solid, black dots) is projected unto the same trends for women
(hollow dots). While the differences in trends below the 80th percentile are not visible
in the figure, and the absolute differences are very small, the relative differences are
noticeable. At the highest decile, the average difference increases from –1.35
(corresponding to 23% lower output for women) to –1.74 (31% lower output for women) from
2019–2020,, which is a relative change of 22.3%. Correspondingly the relative change is
25.8% in the 81st to 90th percentile and 25.9% in the 51st to 80th percentile.
Country-level differences
The estimated change in the
magnitude of the gender gap also varied across countries (Figure 5), with the smallest changes
observed in Denmark, Australia, Pakistan and Belgium, and the largest increases found in
Russia, Italy, Austria and Iran. The horizontal bar diagram to the right in Figure 5 shows
that the vast majority of scientists are from the USA. This means that the average
treatment effect on the treated (ATT)
also gravitates towards the effect observed for the US population. Surprisingly, the
estimated effects at the country-level were only weakly and inconsistently correlated with
the severity of COVID-19 restrictions (Figure 5—figure supplement 1 and Figure 5—figure
supplement 2).
Discipline-level differences
As a final step in the
analysis, we disaggregated results by discipline. As shown in Figure 6 panel A, the widening gender gap
was persistent across all four disciplines but with markedly larger effects observed for
clinical medicine (Average marginal gender difference = −0.117, CI: –0.138––0.095) and
biology (Average marginal gender difference = −0.089, CI: –0.117––0.063) compared to basic
medicine (Average marginal gender difference = 0.058, CI: –0.093––0.022) and chemistry
(Average marginal gender difference = 0.062, CI: –0.100––0.023). Figure 6 panel B specifies the
representation of authors according to their position in the publication-productivity
distribution, across the four disciplines. As shown in the figure, we observe an
over-representation of highly productive authors in clinical medicine implying that the
large average marginal gender difference effect observed for this discipline may partially
be driven by a higher proportion of prolific scientists.
Robustness checks
We conducted two (Figure 7) placebo
tests, simulating a placebo pandemic incident between 2017–2018 and 2018–2019. shows the
difference-in-differences estimate for both full and fractionalized publication counts. In
both cases, the estimates are very small in magnitude (ranging from 7%–17% of our 2020
estimate, δt=0),
and only statistically significant for the 2017–2018, full count, estimate at the 99%
level (the 2017–2018 estimate is significant for the fractionalized count at a 95% level).
Taken together, there does not appear to be a substantial difference in publication counts
in the immediate years prior to the onset of the pandemic.
We also check whether there are
changes in the position in the author byline of women authors (see Figure 7B). We first observe,
that the share of women first authors is higher than expected, considering the share of
women in total. Some variation occurs over time, but there are no changes from 2019–2020
which could indicate a general shift in women appearing less often as first authors than
before the pandemic.
Discussion
In this paper, we estimated the
differential impact of COVID-19 on the annual publication rates of women and men in 2020
compared to 2019. Using individual-level panel data on a global sample of 431,207 authors,
we observed small but consistent average increases in the gap between women’s and men’s
annual publishing rates. This finding is consistent with extant research suggesting
amplified gender disparities in manuscript submissions, first and last authorships, and
self-reported research activities during COVID-19. However, unlike prior studies, we find
that the gendered effects of COVID-19 are salient for early-career-scientists with four
years of publication experience as well as for mid-career scientists with ten years of
publication experience. While the numerical increase in the gender gap is largest for
mid-career scientists, the relative change in the gender gap is biggest for early-career
scientists. Moreover, we add to existing evidence by showing that the increase in the
gender gap (in absolute terms) was most pronounced among highly productive authors and
scientists working in clinical medicine and biology. Lastly, the widening gender gap
appears to represent a genuine decline in publication productivity and not just a shift in
author roles, as women continue to first author publications at similar rates as in prior
years (Figure 7).
Despite clear country
variations in the observed effects, we found negligible and inconsistent associations
between local COVID-19 restrictions and estimated changes in the productivity gender gap.
Further, the ordering of countries in Figure 5 does not seem to suggest that the
gender-differentiated changes in productivity rates vary systematically according to a
country’s level of gender equality, welfare model, or infection rate.
Taken together, these results
indicate that the publication productivity of already prolific women scientists have been
affected the most by the pandemic. Those designing interventions to promote equity in
academic science and medicine should strive to understand the reasons why highly prolific
men appeared able to maintain their annual publication rates while highly prolific women
were not. Prior research suggests that it is possible that men with the highest levels of
productivity may have been more likely to have been rewarded with access to additional
workplace supports, such as endowed professorships, in recognition of their achievements
18Gold et al.2020. If
so, this might have served as a cushion against the impact of the pandemic on those
individuals. Moreover, if institutions prioritized protecting a few "superstar"
researchers from teaching or clinical demands without clear processes for identifying
which individuals received preferential treatment, the vast literature on unconscious bias
suggests that such efforts might preferentially have protected outstanding men as compared
to similarly outstanding women 382007. Prior research
also suggests that high-achieving women scientists may be more likely than their male
peers to state that their partners’ careers take priority 33Mody et
al.2022. Indeed, it is possible that high-achieving
men scientists’ partners may be particularly likely to be willing to make sacrifices in
their own careers to take on additional domestic labor to allow continuation of their
extraordinary partners’ work. If partners of extraordinarily productive women scientists
are less willing to do so, and if this difference is even more marked than any differences
that may exist when a scientist is less highly productive, this could also serve as a
mechanism to drive the differences observed. Further research is necessary to investigate
these and other possibilities.
The amplified effect in
clinical medicine may be due to the dual research and clinical roles taken on by
scientists in this discipline. Early research suggested that initial funding for COVID-19
related research was biased toward applications from men 50Witteman
et al.2021, supporting a hypothesis that women spent
disproportionally more time on clinical work or other demands around the time of the
outbreak. However, further research is required to provide conclusive evidence on this
question. The consequences of a systematically biased change in the work priorities for
men and women in particularly clinical medicine can potentially reach far beyond the
individual careers of those women affected by it. Research suggests a positive association
between women’s participation as leading authors in medical research and a study’s
likelihood of including sex and gender as analytical variables 39Nielsen et
al.2017. The omission of gender and sex analysis has
been widespread in COVID-19-related clinical trials 5Brady et
al.2021, despite early evidence of sex-differences in
the prognosis and outcome of the disease.
The widening gender-gap in
publishing may be a detectable symptom of larger setbacks on issues of gender equity in
science 27King and
Frederickson2021. Indeed, recent research also shows
widening gender disparities in research project initiation 17Gao et
al.2021 and clinical-trial leadership 7Cevik et al.2021.
Our study demonstrates the
importance of reinforcing institutional commitments to gender equity through policies that
support the inclusion and retention of women researchers 2Andersen
et al.202016Fulweiler et
al.202127King and
Frederickson202137Narayana
et al.2020. While our study focuses on
gender, other marginalized groups are likely to suffer from similar set-backs, potentially
to an even higher degree. These groups are generally under-studied in the the literature
on productivity gaps, as they are much more difficult to identify quantitatively. Further
research, with reliable data on especially ethnicity, and with an inter-sectional
perspective is needed.
Data on individual publication
rates gives us a better estimate of the effects of the pandemic on researcher productivity
than most previously published analyses focusing on publication-level effects. Despite
this, the data do not allow us to disentangle how much of the widening gender gap is due
to attrition. If the relative share of women scientists opting out of an academic career
is higher in 2020 compared to 2019, this may inflate the observed change in productivity.
Future research should examine the potential changes in women’s and men’s attrition rates
in closer detail. Further, the counter-factual analysis presented in Figure 3—figure supplement 2
suggests a consistent increase in the size of gender productivity gap over time with a
marginal annual change in the gender difference from year four to five amounting to 53% of
the treatment effect observed in our main analysis. The estimated change from a 17% lower
output for women than men in 2019 compared to 24% percent lower output for women than men
in 2020 should thus be interpreted with some caution. However, both mechanisms - lower
publication productivity and attrition - result in lower total publication outputs for
women and lead to enlarged gender disparities. While we can not currently estimate the
relationship between the two mechanisms, the conclusions above remain the same.
Our study design has four
limitations. First, our analysis focused on annual publishing rates, which may obscure
some of the potential effects of e.g. school closures on the immediate publishing rates. A
more granular analysis of monthly publishing rates may reveal a more direct correlation
between lockdowns and decreased publishing rates. However, information on when something
is published is not available on a monthly basis for a large proportion of articles, and
information on submission and review dates are even harder to obtain, often completely
missing. Further, many of the delays occurring in the publishing process are out of the
hand of authors and thus unrelated to the lockdown effect that they may be experiencing.
By looking at annual data, we can estimate a more reliable effect overall. We strongly
encourage publishers to make available transparent, open machine- and human-accessible
information on which date a manuscript was received, reviewed, revised, accepted and
published. Similarly, the weak relationship between country-level gender gaps and the
severity of lockdown policies could be due to aggregation. Using survey data on
self-reported time-use, 12Deryugina et al.2022
show that e.g. the fraction of days with at least partial primary school closures
negatively affected time loss for women researchers relative to men in the period Feb. 16
- July 31, 2020. To compare our yearly publication data with lockdown severity, we
aggregated day-to-day data on school closures, workplace closures, stay at home
requirements, and overall lockdown severity across the entire year of 2020.
Second, the
author-disambiguation approach used to establish individual-level panel data unavoidably
introduces some level of uncertainty into our analysis, and errors are more likely to
occur for individuals with East Asian names 40Nielsen
and Andersen2021 (see Materials and Methods). The
country-specific evidence for China and South-Korea (Figure 5) should thus also be interpreted
with caution.
Third, the gender-assignment
algorithm used in this study did not infer the gender of 20% of the author sample. This
introduces potential sampling bias into our analysis. Moreover, the algorithm reduces
author gender to a binary category (woman or man), but not all individuals identify as
women or men. Despite this clear limitation, we find the algorithm useful in quantifying
COVID-19-related disparities on a large scale 14D’Ignazio
and Klein2020.
Fourth, academic publishing is
a slow endeavor, and article submissions may undergo many rounds of revisions before they
are published 23Homolak et al.2020.
This introduces two types of potential bias into our analysis: (a) some of the articles
published in 2020 are based on research conducted in 2019; and (b) some of the research
conducted in 2020 will not appear in print before 2021, or later. Thus, in the coming
years, scientists should continue to monitor disparities in women’s and men’s publishing
rates.
In science, even small negative
kicks or setbacks may add up over time and become cumulative disadvantages 48Valian19998Cole et
al.1991. We observe a decreased growth in
publications for all but the most productive men, and especially early-career researchers.
This has the potential to reinforce disparities in an already heavily skewed system, if
not given special attention, especially with regard to women. The widening gender gap in
publishing observed in this study should thus be taken seriously by universities and
funding agencies and factored into policies that allocate resources and support, as well
as those that determine advancement and compensation, in order to mitigate inequities
resulting from the unequal impact of the pandemic and its associated disruptions. Such
inequities are deeply troubling both because they demonstrate how morally arbitrary
characteristics like gender affect the opportunity to succeed in science and because they
hinder the inclusion of diverse perspectives necessary to optimally advance scientific
inquiry itself.
Materials and methods
Data on authors and their
publications. Publication data were retrieved from the Web of Science (WoS) in-house
implementation at CWTS, Leiden University. This version of the WoS has linked tables
between authors, their publications and information on the probable gender of authors.
The CWTS WoS includes a
high-quality disambiguated table of authors and links to their publications. This list is
produced through an algorithmic identification of publication clusters, using author,
publication, source and citation data 6Caron and
Eck201413D’Angelo
and Eck2020. This algorithm greatly improves
the likelihood of an author profile containing the correct links to a scientist’s
publications, without including those of another author with the same name, and also
including their own publications published under variations of their name. This algorithm
so far has the highest precision and recall for this task 47Tekles and
Bornmann2020.
Author gender was inferred
using a combination of Gender-API (https://gender-api.com/) and genderize (https://genderize.io/), in order to find the
most likely gender of an author using their first name and country. The inferred gender is
only applied in cases with >90% confidence, meaning gender ambiguous names, or names
with very few observations for a country, are not included. This leads to an exclusion of
20% of all authors, with a majority of those from China and South Korea, as first names in
these countries tend to be less gendered than for most other countries.
Disciplines were inferred from
the journal in which articles were published, using the translation table (http://help.prod-incites.com/inCites2Live/filterValuesGroup/researchAreaSchema/oecdCategoryScheme.html)
between WoS Subject Categories and the OECD Fields of Science from the Frascati Manual
(OECD Working 412007). For each
author, we summed the weighted major scientific fields and assigned the most frequent as
their main discipline.
We queried the WoS for all
authors with their first publication in either 2009 or 2010 (mid-career researchers) or
2016 or 2017 (early-career researchers). We excluded authors with fewer than three
publications in total, and further limited the sample to authors with at least one
publication in 2018 or 2019. The last step was done to create a sample of actively
publishing scientists. We assigned main discipline codes to all authors and limited the
sample to authors from 1.4
Chemical sciences, 1.6
Biological sciences, 3.1 Basic medicine and 3.2 Clinical medicine. This sample
consisted of 431,207 authors linked to 2,113,108 publications in the period 2016–2020. The
counterfactual sample was constructed identically, but for authors with their first
publication in 2011 or 2012, counting their publications until 2015. This sample included
276,793 authors linked to 1,060,330 publications.
Difference-in-differences model
To estimate the differential
impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the gender gap in publication productivity, we
leveraged a difference-in-differences strategy. Because of a persistent gender gap in the
number of publications over time, we used the yearly data on journal article publications
prior to 2020 as baselines for estimating how the pandemic impacted the scholarly
productivity of men and women differently. Although, not a randomized treatment, we
treated the yearly gender difference in publication numbers (for 2016, 2017, 2018, and
2020) relative to the difference in 2019 as our key estimand. To estimate the average
treatment effect on the treated (ATT),
the gender difference relative to the baseline 2019 difference, we specified the following
regression model:
Yit=αi+γt+4∑t=−4δtGenderi⋅Yeart+ϵit
Where Yit
denotes the number of published articles by individual i
in year t,
αi
are the author fixed effects, γt
are the year fixed effects, and δt
are a set of parameters with t∈{−4,−3,−2,0}
estimating the difference in publication numbers between men and women each year, relative
to the difference in 2019 (t=−1),
which we left out of the estimation. The indicator t
is here the year relative to 2020. The ATT
for a given year k
relative to 2019 is then:
When used in the analysis,
predicted values are the average partial effects at specified combinations of gender and
year. We calculate the linear predicted value based on the regression model for each unit
of observation (person i at year t), and average over these units for each specified
subset of units (e.g. women in 2019 or men in 2018). This provides average predicted
publications counts for each group at each time. Estimated differences in publication
counts are the average marginal effects for each year derived from the regression model.
The marginal effects are the partial derivative with respect to gender for each unit of
observation, and the estimated average differences are then the mean of the unit-specific
derivatives at each year.
Parallel trends and counterfactual samples
Valid identification of the
differential impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on researchers of different genders relies on
a strong assumption of parallel trends of publication outcomes in pre-pandemic years. I.e.
identification of the average treatment effect on women essentially assumes that [E[Y0women ∣t=k]−E[Y0women ∣t=−1]]−[E[Y0men ∣t=k]−E[Y0men ∣t=−1]]=0.A.
A large literature (e.g. 21Hart and Perlis2019;
31Mairesse and
Pezzoni2015) has documented persistent gender gaps in
publication productivity. Our dynamic difference-in-differences model confirms this. A
consistent gap between men and women is present in all years prior to 2020 for our full
sample (Figure
2). This gap also tends to slightly increase over time, casting doubt on the
assumption of similar publication trends for men and women scientists. Figure 2—source
data 1 shows a statistically significant difference in the publication gender gap
between 2016 and 2019, and 2017 and 2019. However, the difference is much smaller, and
statistically non-significant, when comparing 2018 and 2019.
We also modeled the
differential publications rates for a counterfactual sample of researchers, who started
publishing (or who’s first publication was registered in the Web of Science database) in
2011, across the following five years. As shown in Figure 3—figure supplement 1, the gender gap
in publication rates increased from almost parity in the first year to an average
difference of 0.2 full publications five years after (0.05 fractionalized). Again, the
gender gap increased with 1/20 of a full publication (full count: –0.05, 99% CI: [–0.0665;
–0.0337], fractionalized count: –0.006, 99% CI: [–0.0094; –0.0028]) between four and five
years after first publication, amounting to 53% of our ATT
from the full sample.
Data on lockdown severity
To assess how the pandemic may
entail different gender effects across countries and lockdown severity, we use data from
the Oxford COVID-19 Government Response Tracker. We construct seven lockdown indicators at
the country level by aggregating four measures of daily government COVID-policies across a
whole year (from March 1st 2020 to December 31st 2020) in two ways. Table 1 summarizes the seven
indicators. We use four of the Oxford COVID-19 Government Response Tracker indicators
20Hale et al.2021
related to the coordinated close-downs of schools (C1) or workplaces (C2), stay at home
requirements (C6), and the combined policy stringency index. First, we sum the indicator
value across the whole year to create a cumulative sum of restriction severity for all
four indicators, such that a lockdown indicator Lk
is the summarized values across 305 days:
Lk=305∑i=1Ii
Seven indicators of COVID-19
lockdown severity.
Sum indicator
Count of maximum values
School lockdowns
+
+
Workplace lockdowns
+
+
Stay at home
requirements
+
+
Stringency index
+
-
Second, we count the number of
days across the same period with the maximum indicator value for three indicators relating
to school lockdowns, workplace lockdowns, and stay at home requirements. Each of these
indicators can take the values 0, 1, 2, and three per day (where three indicates the most
severe policy situation for the three indicators in question). For these three indicators
we create a conditional sum across 305 days. We then let Lk
be the number of days an indicator I1,…,I305
equals 3:
Lk=305∑i=1[Ii=3]
Together, this gives us seven
different indicators of lockdown severity at the national level. It is important to note
that we use national-level policy indicators capturing only COVID-19 policy responses
enacted at the country or federal level. In cases where sub-national policies supersede
country-level restrictions, more or less severe policies are not reflected in the
indicators.
Heterogeneity in COVID-19 effects
To show the heterogeneity in
possible COVID-19 induced treatment effects, we estimated our difference-in-differences
model separately for each country, focusing on the 40 countries contributing 95% of all
authors in our sample. We also investigated the degree to which this heterogeneity could
be attributed to variations in the severity of policy restrictions across countries. Using
the seven lockdown indicators described above, we compared country-level gender gaps with
the measures of severity as shown in Figure 5—figure supplement 1 and Figure 5—figure
supplement 2.
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